Blaming America First: Dangerous Waters Ahead

Blaming America First: Dangerous Waters Ahead

(This article was written by Peter Huessy and appeared in RealClearDefense. Blaming America First: Dangerous Waters Ahead)

When Ambassador Jean Kirkpatrick explained in 1984 that America’s severest foreign policy critics “always blame America first” she identified a narrative that continues some four decades later. At the time, there was often what appeared to be a reflexive anti-American bias in the criticism of President Reagan’s security policy. But critics had to sustain such a narrative as it enabled them to avoid a serious reflection on the security threats to the U.S., and wrongfully claim the threats were much of our own doing. Today, the false campaign to blame Israel for the Iranian conflict is a tragic repeat of what the Ambassador warned us to avoid.

Kirkpatrick knew the always blame America narrative was wrong and dangerous. With the dawn of the Reagan Presidency the United States faced major threats, all of which had grown significantly in the previous decade. Let’s review.

First was a reckless Soviet Union, often partnered with Communist China, engaging in major across-the-board arming of guerilla wars aimed at regime change. Although the Soviet conquest campaign centered in the third world started with the North Korean cross border invasion of 1950, it did not succeed. Thus, the switch to guerilla war in Indochina from 1959, Central America from 1958, and ironically culminating in the return to cross border invasion with Afghanistan in 1979.

Under Soviet direction, centers of state sponsorship of terrorism grew in Syria, Iraq, Libya, North Korea, Cuba, Nicaragua, and Iran, along with terror agents such as the Palestinian Liberation Organization, Hezbollah, the FMLN, FARC, the Red Brigades, and Bidar Meinhoff gangs.

And during the decade of détente, nearly two dozen American allied governments fell to or were attacked by communist subversion.

After the 1980 election, the U.S. turned the tables. The U.S. went after Soviet terror states in Afghanistan, Grenada and Nicaragua and worked to defeat terror proxies in Columbia and El Salvador, as part of an economic war on Moscow that aimed to make the cost of the Soviet empire unsustainable. And for the first time since 1917, the free world took back territory from the communist empire with the liberation of Grenada in 1983.

The second major threat President Reagan faced was a massive Soviet theater nuclear buildup, including the deployment of thousands of nuclear armed SS 20 medium range ballistic missile in Europe and Asia, targeting both the Atlantic and Pacific allies of the United States.

The third major threat President Reagan faced was a parallel Soviet nuclear buildup of deployed strategic nuclear weapons from a few thousand in 1972 to over 10,000 by the 1980s, all under the SALT treaties of 1972 and 1979.

Treaties that gave the good arms control housekeeping seal of approval to Moscow’s buildup that had as its key purpose to coercively blackmail the United States and our allies to stand down in the face of Soviet aggression.

Nuclear weapons were the umbrella under which Russian third world aggression would remain in a sanctuary.

Here is where we come back to Jean Kirkpatrick’s 1984 remarks. How did the United States reverse the Soviet buildup of nuclear weapons and end the Soviet empire, including reversing its third world campaign of subversion?

Kirkpatrick explained that too many critics of U.S. policy blamed the United States for Soviet aggression and nuclear building. We supported dictators in Nicaragua, Vietnam, and Cuba, so why was it a surprise guerilla campaigns emerged to change governments? The U.S. funded NATO on the doorsteps of the USSR so why should we be surprised Moscow responded with the deployment of SS-20 missiles?

When the USSR empire came crashing down, there were three common explanations.

One was that the Kennan policy of restrained “containment” practiced by nine successive American Presidents brought down the Soviets, but nothing special from the Reagan White House. The idea of containment of Soviet aggression was originated by State department official George Kennan who coined the term in a long telegram from Moscow and in a subsequent essay in Foreign Affairs signed by “X.”

But Kennan himself disliked the term containment and often declared it did not describe what Kennan had advocated after the end of World War II. He opposed Truman sending American troops to defend Korea, and repeatedly opposed most of Reagan’s security agenda, most particularly the administration’s nuclear and missile defense modernization agenda.

The second narrative was that the collapse of the Soviet empire was inevitable, and again nothing special from President Reagan had any serious effect on the outcome. Again, the common narrative was that nothing America did had much to do with the outcome of the Cold War.

The third narrative was much the same but with a twist. It was not America but the Soviets themselves that ended the Cold War. The reforms of General Secretary Gorbachev ended the Cold War, and all that Reagan did was as one recent President claimed was to allow those reforms to take place without trying to extend the Cold War. In fact, critics often complained the Soviet Union would have collapsed even faster if the United Stats had not been so aggressive.

Reagan’s political opponents held that his aggressive foreign policy harmed U.S. security, particularly with respect to describing the USSR as an “evil empire, developing SDI and deploying MX missiles, arming the Contras and Mujahadeen Northern Alliance while saving Solidarity. To the blame American firsters, our adversaries had to take defensive actions to protect their own security. It was America that was at fault—having caused the outbreak of the Cold War and perpetuated its continuance.

This acute tendency too, as the Ambassador explained, always blames America as the key ingredient to carrying out an alternative strategy. If the United States and it’s supposed aggressive security policy was responsible for triggering bad Soviet behavior, then of course the removal of such U.S. security policy and its architect (Reagan) would magically change Moscow security policy to one far more benign. In short, detente would work.

The pillars of former Vice President Mondale’s 1984 campaign were to stop SDI, freeze the deployment of America’s Pershing and GLCM missiles in Europe, kill the MX missile, and end all military aid to the contras in Nicaragua and the government of El Salvador.

Hear the ironies are too delicious to ignore. A frequent object of leftist or progressive scorn during the decade of the 1970s was Henry Kissinger, who was in fact the author of the SALT nuclear agreement, the ABM treaty that eliminated missile defenses, the U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam, and the entire edifice of the strategy of detente. All which President Reagan would seriously oppose.

But as Kirkpatrick pointed out, for the progressive left, if the origin of Soviet behavior was intrinsic to the very nature of Russian culture then of course a peaceful American security policy would be an invitation to the expansion of Soviet aggression, which is precisely what occurred during détente, from 1969 through the decade following.

In reality, when a dozen and a half nations slipped behind the Iron Curtain in little more than a decade, it hardly makes sense to then pretend at the end of the subsequent decade the USA and its allies abject failure to actually “contain” the Soviets led somehow to victory ending the USSR empire.

It is true that in 1980 after the invasion of Afghanistan the Carter administration announced that it had misinterpreted the Soviet embrace of detente and indeed had been mistaken by claiming the U.S. had to get rid of its inordinate fear of communism.

If simply changing U.S. foreign policy back to détente and restraint would induce a benign Soviet subsequent conciliatory security policy, then of course, progressive critics of President Reagan could justify their opposition to peace through strength, SDI, the full up modernization of American nuclear forces, the arming of the resistance in Nicaragua and Afghanistan, the take down of Grenada, and the arming of our nation state allies in El Salvador the Republic of Korea and NATO.

Similarly if today the turmoil in the Middle East was caused by America’s ally Israel, just as progressives assumed an aggressive USA policy caused the Cold War, then it’s simply a matter of preventing Israel from securing arms necessary to carry on its apparent too aggressive security policy. Stop Israel, stop the war. Peace blossoms!

Senator Sanders (I-Vt) thus can blame Israel for “genocide” in Gaza and pretend Hamas and Hezbollah are on the side of the angels. And consequently, Sanders can offer an amendment in the Senate to stop all USA arms sales to Israel, that received 40 votes, 39 of which were from the 45 member democratic caucus.

How simple Middle East security policy could be if we all simply “blamed Israel first” for “tricking” us into war against Iran. Like the make believe Cold War and the Soviet empire, ending the Iranian nuclear program, stopping the deployment of long range missiles, keeping open Hormuz, and ending proxy terrorism can be simply a matter of changing U.S. administrations.

We can all be for “peace,” need not take up arms against the genocidal regime in Tehran, because as critics claim, it is Israel and the USA that “chose this war” not an Iran that for nearly half a century has been at war with Western civilization.

Peter Huessy is a Senior Fellow at the Gold Institute for International Strategy, a Washington D.C. based foreign policy and defense think tank.

Sánchez’s Worst Criminal Plot

Chess pieces representing geopolitical strategy

(This article was written by Hermann Tertsch and appeared in El Debate.) Spaniards are currently witnessing trials that, besides being grotesque, reveal with great clarity that the two-party system seasoned with separatism long ago sank into the underworld…

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Chancellor Merz in Free Fall: Tough Abroad, Powerless at Home

Friedrich Merz

(This article was written by Derk Jan Eppink and appeared in Wynia’s Week. Bondskanselier Merz in vrije val: Stoer in buitenland, machteloos in binnenland)

During a weekend meeting in mid-April at the Villa Borsig in Berlin, the two leaderships of the German governing parties CDU/CSU and SPD wanted to get on the same page. The opposite happened. A blistering quarrel broke out between Chancellor Friedrich Merz (CDU) and Vice-Chancellor Lars Klingbeil (SPD). According to Der Spiegel, Merz “jumped out of his skin,” during which he “bellowed at” Klingbeil.

This screaming scene typifies the relations within the coalition. Merz is caught between a rock and a hard place: between the growing right-wing AfD and the left-wing coalition partner SPD, which blocks reforms as if Berlin had a “Strait of Hormuz.” In the Top-20 popularity survey, Merz comes in last, in 20th place.

Merz Dangles

With the promise of sweeping reforms, Merz and his CDU/CSU were elected chancellor on May 6 last year. An “Autumn of Reforms” was to follow, but nothing happened. The new government borrowed a Sondervermögen (special fund) of 500 billion euros on the capital market to modernize German infrastructure. The money is now being used to plug holes in the budget. Instead of “Reformen” (reforms) came “Reformstau” (reform gridlock); because the SPD said “nein.” The cost of interest on the debt burden is rising from 4 billion euros in 2021 to 78 billion now. It is uncertain whether Merz would even survive a “motion of confidence” in the Bundestag at all. He dangles.

Merz lacks a compass. He ambushed the SPD with statements such as the one about old-age provision, “die Rente.” The pension in Germany, rather meager compared with the Netherlands, should not be more than a “basic package.” Pensioners would have to top it up themselves with saving and investing. The SPD exploded: its voter base was struck at the heart. That base is shrinking visibly; the SPD polls around 13 percent, just like the Greens. The CDU/CSU is dropping to 22 percent and the AfD is growing to 28 percent. East Germany is AfD country.

Since Merz is stuck in Berlin, he throws himself into foreign affairs and earned the media nickname Aussenkanzler (chancellor of foreign affairs). But on the larger international stage he fared no better. The war in Iran brought him into conflict with President Trump, with whom Merz had still been in good standing. He called the conflict with Iran “not our war” and added that Iran is “humiliating” America. Trump is threatening to withdraw American troops from Germany.

Germany has no leverage vis-à-vis the United States. Merz keeps losing. So does his French partner, President Macron, who cuts a fine figure in Europe but is a clownish character at home. The American Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, pointed out that France, in military operations in Africa, pretends to colonial grandeur but is dependent on American transport aircraft.

There is one arena where Germany does exert direct influence: the EU. There Germany usually protects German showpieces. Traditionally that is the auto industry. The former chancellor Gerhard Schröder, nicknamed “Genosse der Bosse” (comrade of the bosses), stood squarely behind the Volkswagen group in the state of Lower Saxony, where Schröder began his political career.

Merz Finds New EU Taxes Unacceptable

In lobbying work, Germany was usually outdone by France. The French have their pawns in the European Commission; the Germans in the European Parliament. EU enlargement made that pattern more complex. Merz wants to do in Brussels what cannot be done in Berlin.

Ursula von der Leyen, president of the Commission, wants a total sum of 2,000 billion euros for the 2028-2034 budget period; the European Parliament, like the never-satisfied Very Hungry Caterpillar, even wants 2,200 billion. In the current budget period it is 1,200 billion. She demands new EU taxes. Merz cut straight through it: “unacceptable and impossible to sell.” Von der Leyen fell silent.

Hollowing Out AI Legislation at the European Level

Germany acts more assertively in Brussels the more its own country stagnates. Thus Germany, together with Austria, turns against EU legislative proposals on Artificial Intelligence (AI), calling them “too unambitious.” According to Berlin, “more courage” is needed and it must be “simpler.” It is striking that Germany is practically operating as a “cavalier seul” (going it alone).

Germany wants AI requirements not to be included in the EU’s AI legislation, but to be laid down in the sectoral legislation of the member states. This is a wish of large German companies such as Siemens and Bosch. At least ten member states, including the Netherlands, are opposed. Germany is in fact hollowing out AI legislation at the European level.

Another theme is the “Industrial Fund” of 400 billion euros, where Poland wants a broader regional distribution of projects, while Germany believes that most of the money should go to the most competitive and innovative projects, regardless of geographic location. Poland and Germany have opposing interests. Germany also wants a European Palantir, following the example of the American data-analysis giant.

In order to be less dependent on the United States, Germany is seeking closer contacts with the “Global South,” countries such as Brazil in Latin America, plus Singapore and Australia in Southeast Asia. These are “medium-sized countries,” serving as a counterweight. Germany is also lobbying, as a peacemaker, to become a member of the UN Security Council.

Bonnie and Clyde

The SPD likewise makes its presence felt abroad. Klingbeil was prominently present at the “Global Progressive Mobilization” in Barcelona on April 17 and 18 to warn the world against “the rise of the far right.” That last term is a euphemism, referring to Trump and the AfD. Present were Brazilian President Lula da Silva, South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa, and Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum.

The organizer was Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, who set himself up as a champion of the left, something he began during the Gaza conflict. He turned against Israel, closed the Spanish embassy there, and subsequently opened a Spanish embassy in Iran. Sánchez casts himself as the “left-wing conscience” of Europe, while his wife Begoña is being prosecuted in Spain for fraud and corruption. The public prosecutor is demanding a prison sentence of 24 years. The Werdegang (career trajectory) of Sánchez and spouse seems like a Spanish version of “Bonnie and Clyde.”

Fatalism and Stubbornness

Merz and Klingbeil cannot solve their problems in Germany with activism “im Ausland” (abroad). The core of those problems lies in wrong policy: a planned economy and the inability to change course together. German energy and climate policy ushered in economic decline, combined with excessive immigration from countries with completely different cultures. On energy policy, Merz has talked himself into a corner. During a visit by Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš to Berlin, Merz said: “Previous German governments decided to phase out nuclear energy. That decision is irreversible.”

A fatalistic line of reasoning. The German nuclear power plants have not (yet) been dismantled, but shut down or closed. Some, such as the KKE Emsland in Lingen, just across the Dutch border, could perhaps be brought back into use. But the political courage is lacking. Merz effectively believes: German governments wrongly closed nuclear power plants. That was a mistake, but nothing can be done about it. We carry on undeterred down the wrong road. In short: German “dickköpfigkeit” (pigheadedness).

The quarreling couple Merz-Klingbeil acts tough abroad but is “tote Hose” (dead in the water) at home. Whoever lays the political map of Germany next to the geographic one sees that East Germany largely votes AfD and West Germany is politically fragmented, with a rising AfD in the mix. There is still a wall; not physical but mental.

“The Schmerz of Merz”

Columnist Harald Martenstein recently wrote in Welt am Sonntag: “The GDR had a system of party bigwigs who were cut off from those ‘outside’ and were chiefly preoccupied with holding on to power and with intrigues ‘inside.’ In the GDR, work was simulated, nothing new was created, and problems were camouflaged, until it no longer worked.”

This autumn there are three East German state elections: the city-state of Berlin, Saxony-Anhalt, and Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. With the AfD as frontrunner in the latter two.

The “Schmerz (pain) of Merz” continues. The question is: for how much longer?

Derk Jan Eppink is a Distinguished Fellow at the Gold Institute for International Strategy, a Washington D.C.-based foreign policy and defense think tank.

SITREP: IRAN CEASEFIRE DEADLINE

Iran ceasefire deadline SITREP by Gen. Flynn

SITREP: IRAN CEASEFIRE DEADLINE

The fragile ceasefire brokered on 8 April between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran expires in less than 24 hours. What was intended as a two-week window for serious diplomacy has instead become a stress test that Tehran is deliberately failing. The regime has breached the terms of the agreement on multiple occasions since its signing. President Trump has publicly confirmed that Iran violated the ceasefire numerous times, and the operational reporting supports that assessment without qualification.

A United States delegation is en route to Islamabad for the next round of negotiations. Vice President J.D. Vance is expected to depart for Pakistan today to reinforce the American position at the highest level of the executive branch.

Pakistani Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar is pressing both sides to extend the ceasefire and is hosting the talks as a mediator working to keep diplomacy alive.

Iran is not at the table. Iranian officials have not confirmed their participation in today’s session and have provided no indication that a delegation is inbound to Islamabad. An empty chair on the Iranian side of the table, less than 24 hours before the ceasefire expires, is a deliberate signal of bad faith.

Tehran is treating this moment as a contest of endurance rather than a genuine diplomatic opening.

Regional intelligence sources assess that the regime believes it can outlast American patience, exploit the mediation process for time and international legitimacy, and walk away with concessions it has not earned through negotiation.

The pattern is familiar to anyone who has watched this regime operate for the last four decades. They stall, they violate, they deny, and then they repeat the cycle.

The seven weeks of conflict that preceded the 8 April agreement included kinetic exchanges and mounting pressure on the Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint critical to global energy security. None of the underlying drivers of that conflict has been resolved. The odds of a lasting peace are fading with every hour that Iran continues to stall, evade, and refuse to show up.

Peace is not produced by hope or by press conferences. Peace is produced by strength, by verification, and by consequences that the other side finds credible. The Iranian regime has demonstrated, once again, that its behavior will not change until it is forced to change.

Until that shift occurs, a durable agreement is not within reach.

 

María Corina and the Barcelona Coven

Venezuelan opposition protesters demanding democratic reform

(This article was written by Hermann Tertsch and appeared in El Debate.) This visit to Madrid by María Corina Machado, Nobel Peace Prize laureate and foremost representative of the struggle for freedom in Venezuela, is a fortunate coincidence, coming as Barcelona hosts the grotesque coven…

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The Hague Could Be a Little Less Smug About Viktor Orban’s Hungary: Our Network Corruption Isn’t Much Prettier

Derk Jan Eppink column on Viktor Orban's Hungary and network corruption

(This article was written by Derk Jan Eppink and appeared in Wynia’s Week. Den Haag mag wel wat minder zelfgenoegzaam zijn over het Hongarije van Victor Orban, zoveel fraaier is onze netwerkcorruptie niet)

For years the Dutch House of Representatives held intense debates about Viktor Orban’s Hungary, for many the contemporary “Count Dracula on the Danube.” His name was treated as a curse, as it was by PRO member of parliament Kati Piri, whose father fled Hungary in 1956. For Piri it was “personal,” even though Orban had earned his stripes as a dissident in the Eastern Bloc. Yet in The Hague “Orban” was the bogeyman. That had more to do with The Hague’s need for an exorcism than with Orban himself. Now he is gone, has acknowledged his defeat, congratulated his opponent Péter Magyar, and left. A real Dracula would have lashed out ferociously.

On 19 May 2021, in her maiden speech in the House of Representatives, Piri spoke about her father and his departure from Hungary during the uprising against the invasion by Warsaw Pact countries in 1956. He saw no future there anymore but occasionally returned as a tourist, from the Netherlands. He would then say: “we are back in that dark country.”

Tired of Orban, but Not of His Policies

Orban grew up in Hungary as a young dissident and in 1989 demanded the withdrawal of the Soviet troops still stationed there. As prime minister he worked toward Hungary’s accession to NATO and the EU. In 2022 there was great excitement in the House because forecasts predicted that Orban would lose the parliamentary elections. Members of parliament such as Piri, Sjoerdsma (D66) and Van der Lee (GroenLinks) looked forward to the fall of the “potentate.” But Orban won, and disappointment remained.

Do these parties now have reason to celebrate? Not really, except that Orban is leaving, and after 16 years as prime minister it was about time. Hungarians had grown tired of the bombastic Orban, but not of his policies. In the new Hungarian parliament, TISZA, the party of Péter Magyar, took 53.3% of the vote and gathered 138 of the 199 parliamentary seats. A convincing victory. Orban’s Fidesz was stuck at 38.1% with 55 seats, while a small nationalist party won 6 seats with 5.8%.

In the new Hungarian parliament sit: the centre-right, the right, and the far right. Not a single left-wing party cleared the 5% electoral threshold; social liberals of the VVD/D66 type, socialists and greens (PRO) also fell by the wayside. And yet, last June, there were members of the Dutch parliament from VVD, PvdA/GL, D66 and the mayor of Amsterdam, Femke Halsema, to demonstrate in Budapest against the ban on the Pride march, which incidentally took place undisturbed. In short: Dutch politicians demonstrated in Budapest to burnish their own political profile. Their kindred spirits in Hungary were not elected. The name Orban served in the Netherlands as imported glory of resistance.

Cronyism

Criticism of Orban is largely justified. Magyar split off from Fidesz after his wife, Judit Varga, resigned from the Orban government as Minister of Justice. The Hungarian president had granted clemency to a man who turned out to have been involved in child abuse. Varga had co-signed the clemency request. For Magyar that was reason to leave Fidesz and found his own party. The affair caused the Orban government enormous damage.

A carousel of scandals arises when parties and individuals stay in power too long. That certainly applied to Orban. As a dissident he fought for a democracy that under him gradually slid into cronyism: a rule of friends who pass the ball to one another. The bigger the cronyism, the more room for the corruption that ultimately permeates society and blocks the economy. Whoever needs an appointment at the doctor’s must first lay a wad of Hungarian banknotes on the table. That affects the ordinary citizen across the entire country and also explains the scale of Orban’s defeat. As soon as visiting the doctor becomes difficult, the voter’s patience runs out fast. A loud show of support from American vice president J.D. Vance, meant to give Orban a hand, achieves nothing. A grandly announced offer of billions in investment from the U.S. is met with disbelief. The voter wants “bread and butter.”

The Hague’s Cronyism

That cronyism did Orban in. But does the Netherlands have its own “Hague cronyism”? A scarcely transparent system of (political) appointments and subsidy flows in which, of all people, a “progressive administrative elite” hands out jobs and subsidies. Mayors, directors of government agencies, senior civil service posts, NGOs. “Networking” is the key word. “Network corruption” the consequence. The result: the state grows, the economy stagnates.

Long-ruling parties lie at the root of it, as the CDA once did. Orban ruled for 16 years; the VVD now does too. D66 and PRO are taking over the banner. Top positions for male friends, and above all for female ones. That this cronyism breeds intellectual inbreeding and diploma hyperinflation can be seen in the sitting cabinet. The citizen is the one who pays the price and ultimately takes revenge at the ballot box. Precisely what happened to Orban.

Terror Háza

In Brussels the flags came out when the Hungarian voter sent Orban home. The president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, congratulated Magyar at once. She compared the electoral victory to the Hungarian Uprising of 1956. That comparison is typical of an ignorant Commission president who, as a German, ought to be ashamed.

I was recently in Budapest to soak up a bit of the atmosphere and visited the Terror Háza (House of Terror) where the Hungarian secret police made short work of dissidents in 1956. Show trials followed. Those sentenced to death were locked up in small cells in the gruesome building at Andrássy 60, among them Prime Minister Imre Nagy, who advocated a “separate road to socialism.” Von der Leyen thought she would shine, but struck false notes. The crushing of the Uprising was worse than Orban.

Anyone who thinks the Magyar government will dance to Von der Leyen’s tune is mistaken. On 22 January of this year, the “Patriots for Europe” group tabled a motion of no confidence against Von der Leyen. Magyar is currently a member of the European Parliament with 6 fellow TISZA members in the EPP group of Christian Democrats. They effectively backed the motion against Von der Leyen by absenting themselves from the vote, and were punished by the group leadership: a six-month “speaking ban.” That punishment also struck the two-member BBB delegation, which switched to the European Conservatives (ECR). British Conservatives once characterized the EPP as: “a prison run by Germans.”

Von der Leyen expects Magyar to obey. But he has a different agenda. Magyar announced that Hungary will continue importing Russian oil, that it will not take part in EU loans for Ukraine, that it opposes a swift EU accession by Ukraine, and he likewise advocates lifting sanctions against Russia. Moreover, Ukraine must treat its Hungarian minority better. Magyar turns against the EU migration pact; above all, no Islamic asylum seekers. Spot the differences with Orban.

A History Refresher for Von der Leyen

That is not what Brussels wants, nor what the Dutch minority cabinet wants. During the Orban period the EU froze 17 billion euros in EU funds over “the rule of law.” And 10 billion in the Corona Recovery Fund. Von der Leyen uses those sums to force Hungary into an about-face: money in exchange for concessions. In short: a Brussels Diktat! Magyar has room to manoeuvre on the Ukraine support package, but if he caves on asylum, he signs his own political death warrant. Even the Polish prime minister Donald Tusk, the former “President of Europe,” did not dare to do that.

Perhaps Von der Leyen will visit Budapest, with the House of Terror and what remains of the Jewish quarter on the agenda, for her much-needed history refresher. The haughty and slogan-laden style of Von der Leyen already comes across as irritating in the Netherlands, but it runs directly counter to the mentality in Eastern Europe, where people are beginning to perceive Brussels as a new version of the former Moscow.

Derk Jan Eppink is a Distinguished Fellow at the Gold Institute for International Strategy, a Washington D.C.-based foreign policy and defense think tank.

SITREP: Iran War Next Steps

SITREP: Iran War Next Steps - What Should President Trump Do Now?

Trump should double down on “peace through strength” with immediate, targeted military, economic and diplomatic pressure rather than chasing another round of endless talks that are only buying the Iranian regime time.

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Across Europe, Foreign Policy Is Islamizing – Under Pressure from the Growing Muslim Voter Bloc

Eppink column on Europe and Islam

(This article was written by Derk Jan Eppink and appeared in Wynia’s Week. Overal in Europa islamiseert het buitenlands beleid – onder druk van de groeiende groep moslimkiezers)

In December 2010, former VVD leader Frits Bolkestein made a striking statement in the book “Het Verval. Joden in een stuurloos Nederland” by Israeli Holocaust researcher Manfred Gerstenfeld. He suggested that conscious Jews should recognize there was no future for them in the Netherlands and should advise their children to emigrate to America or Israel. The statement sparked controversy, with Bolkestein criticized for “scapegoating” and Femke Halsema, then GroenLinks faction chair in the Second Chamber, questioning whether he had lost his mind.

By 2026, Bolkestein’s words sound prophetic. Antisemitism has worsened significantly, particularly in Amsterdam, now led by Mayor Halsema. The city is working on an “Israel referendum” that could take place by year’s end, aiming to recognize “genocide in Palestine” and boycott the Jewish state. Remarkably, reports indicate Amsterdam struggles with uncollected garbage and mounting financial debt reaching 10 billion euros. A referendum will likely intensify emotions and antisemitism, where opposing votes are labeled “Zionist.” Recently, a pro-Palestinian activist complained on Dam Square that Hitler “couldn’t finish the job.” Such rhetoric breeds violence, raising the question of how Amsterdam can reorganize world politics while unable to organize itself.

Similar phenomena occurred in the Second Chamber. D66 Minister Sjoerd Sjoerdsma of Development Cooperation and Foreign Trade unilaterally decided to allocate 19 million euros to UNWRA, the UN aid organization for Palestinians, despite it being infiltrated by Hamas. The minority cabinet received a parliamentary majority on condition of not funding UNWRA, but Sjoerdsma attempted to push it through anyway, facing strong parliamentary opposition. He quickly backed down. A motion of no confidence is appropriate.

Islam is a growing religion in the Netherlands, concentrating in large and medium-sized cities. Muslims bring their own culture, including conflicts, and largely grow up in a parallel Islamic culture. The Dutch government attempts to accommodate this through “good example policy.” For instance, police officers in uniform visit iftar meals during Ramadan in some cities. This represents a boundary issue, as police must maintain neutral, secular positions. Yet the government tends to bend, which Muslims interpret as approval.

This creates a slippery slope where politics, education, culture, media, and administration accelerate Islamization. The left supports this trend fully, hoping to attract more voters. Politics ultimately revolves around power. In the Netherlands, the left has potential support between 30-40 percent but lacks a majority. Loss of disillusioned lower-income voters switching to right-wing protest parties is compensated with Muslim votes. The same pattern occurs across Western Europe: Germany’s and Britain’s Labour left have become dependent on Islamic voter support, crucial in next year’s French presidential elections.

The Iran conflict and Strait of Hormuz closure demonstrate how foreign policy is Islamizing across Western Europe. Policymakers conduct affairs while observing the immigrant population. Europe holds back. France sent the aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle to the Mediterranean near Cyprus, which British Vice Premier David Lammy claims is a “NATO member,” manifestly untrue. The Charles de Gaulle receives support from Dutch air defense and command frigate Zr.Ms. Evertsen. This is nice, but doesn’t open the Strait of Hormuz.

“Free passage” in the strait is a cornerstone of international law that the Netherlands defends but Iran has violated undisturbed for 47 years. Premier Rob Jetten states Netherlands participates with other countries once it’s “safe.” Spain goes further. Socialist Premier Pedro Sánchez condemned Western sanctions against Iran, calling them “illegal,” and denied the US Air Force access to NATO airfields in Spain. Sánchez received substantial reward from Iran: free passage through the Strait. Notably, no country criticized Sánchez, while Ukraine’s obstructionist Hungary’s Premier Viktor Orbán faces condemnation from Brussels.

Chancellor Friedrich Merz solemnly declared—like a national teacher—that Germany participates nowhere, not even “international maritime operations” in the Strait: “Es ist nicht unser Krieg” (It’s not our war). An overreaction from a nation that caused two world wars last century.

France revealed its true colors in the UN Security Council regarding an Arabian Gulf states resolution, led by Bahrain, approving “defensive measures” to secure the Strait. Three permanent Security Council members used veto: China, Russia, and notably France. Subsequently, a French ship transited the Strait. “C’est typique français” (That’s typical French). Ultimately, Trump forced free passage by putting pressure on Iran. European complaints gained no credibility.

American classicist and military historian Victor Davis Hanson from Stanford University identifies not merely Western European division but significant schizophrenia. Europe wants America as ally but not when dangerous. Europe fears nuclear Iran but won’t act. Europe wants America to act, but when problems arise, America becomes the villain.

The cause of reluctance stems from Muslim immigration’s influence in Western Europe. In a recent YouTube interview, Hanson states: “In Germany, 16 percent of the population comprises immigrants, many unintegrated. Immigrated Muslims often prove more radical than countries they left, already severe. They resist Western belonging. There’s a ‘multiplication effect.’ They feel that through birth rates and increased numbers, they’ll rapidly form massive populations in their new lands. European governments are terrified.”

Every Middle Eastern crisis sharpens Western Europe’s political situation. Hanson: “When attempting to address the Iranian regime, they retreat. Supporting Israel, they dare not voice. Reason: immigrated communities will turn against European governments, and governing parties lose their votes.”

As Europe simultaneously faces self-made energy crises from climate policy and long believed the Berlin Wall’s fall meant “history’s end,” it’s now trapped in foreign policy. Self-Islamization occurs, still nascent but already visible.

Once, the Dutch Foreign Ministry was an elite department prioritizing “national interest.” Now it resembles an NGO where officials supposedly protest their minister’s policies during lunch breaks, and retired ambassadors send opinion pieces to NRC posing as “Palestinian cause” defenders. Perhaps from guilt at prior neglect. Self-Islamization particularly emerges regarding Israel. Iran receives a blind eye.

Islamization requires no 51 percent population majority: the multiplication effect Hanson mentions produces faster spread through the political-cultural “superstructure” of society. Self-respecting Dutch municipalities participate, with Amsterdam leading, self-declared Gaza Strip on the Amstel.

Who was actually “insane” in 2010: Frits Bolkestein or Femke Halsema?

Derk Jan Eppink is a Distinguished Fellow (Honorary) at the Gold Institute for International Strategy, a Washington D.C.-based foreign policy and defense think tank.

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